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The following essay by El Inglés is the final installment of a three-part report on the Pakistanis (previously: Part 1, Part 2). It is being posted this week to commemorate the tenth anniversary of the publication of Surrender, Genocide… or What?, which caused the ejection of Gates of Vienna from Pajamas Media ten years ago today. For more on the memorable events of 2008, see this post.
Against the Murdering, Thieving Hordes of Pakistanis
by El Inglés
The “Pakis Out!” Plan
Though we inject touches of humour in our writing as a sanity-preservation measure, all joking to one side, to read about the sheer evil that is so deeply-ingrained in the mind of the average Pakistani male is to stare into the pit of hell. I am aware of the bitter irony that the very Pakistani women who are so often on the receiving end of Pakistani male psychopathy must be rejected tout court along with those men. But Britons concerned at the ongoing colonization and destruction of their country by Pakistanis cannot allow themselves to be held back by any residual sympathy they might feel in this regard.
Reader, my heart has grown cold to the Pakistani male, who constitutes as obvious a concentration of evil and psychopathy as can be found on the surface of this Earth. The character of any group of people resides in its menfolk far more than its womenfolk, for the simple reason that by far and away the greatest capacity for violent, predatory behaviour is to be found in those very menfolk. Thus do we conclude that the Pakistanis are a pestilential people that must be kept out of Britain at all costs.
Pakis Out! — The Details
The Pakistani population of the UK must be removed, driven out, forced out, thrown out, shown the door, expelled, even ethnically cleansed if we allow an expansive understanding of the term. We must cut the Gordian knot and expel the overwhelming bulk of the Pakistani population. Here we introduce the Pakis Out! Plan.
If one is eating an apple that turns out to have a spot of rot in it, one can eat around it. But if one bites into an apple only to discover that it is more rot than apple, one will likely throw it away. The Pakistanis are all rot, no apple. The extremely small fraction of the Pakistani population that is both decent and productive is in no way, shape, or form crucial to the future of our country, and the remainder calls into question the possibility of that future existing. Cut the Gordian Knot! Pakis Out!
We must adopt an attitude of perfect callousness towards the Pakistanis. In plain English, this means that there should be no extent at all to which our policies are predicated on their interests. Given that they attach no significance to ours, this seems entirely reasonable. The Pakistanis have done as they would be done by; they have no grounds for complaint.
There is an important point to be made here. Though we advocate the driving out of the Pakistanis, we do not suggest that literally every single Pakistani must be forced out for us to consider our goals achieved. The objective is to bring substantial coercive pressure on the Pakistanis so that they start to and continue to leave in large numbers. Assuming these efforts are successful, a point will come at which the bulk of the Pakistanis have left, and the remainder consist of those who are prepared to jettison, or who have already jettisoned, enough of their inner Pakistani that they can essentially be tolerated, on the understanding that they will be dealt with great harshness should their inner Pakistani ever manifest itself in the future. Let us suggest for the sake of the discussion, that 90% of the current Pakistani population will need to be driven out to bring this about.
Needless to say, implementing the basic Pakis Out! policy would result in some substantial amount of social disruption, the scale of which would not be easy to predict. The army and police would have to be well-prepared, and it may well prove necessary to create additional forces to help contain riots, demonstrations, and other forms of resistance, whether on the part of the Pakistanis themselves, their hard-left sympathisers, or both.
It should be borne in mind that the Pakistani population is overwhelmingly endogamous, with Pakistanis, as a rule, marrying only other Pakistanis. This means that deciding who is ‘actually’ a Pakistani and who is not is much easier than would be the case with other immigrant populations with stronger tendencies to intermarry. Either way, we hope it will become clear that the measures we advocate are not heavily reliant upon explicit definitions of who is a Pakistani and who is not.
However arrogant it may sound, we suggest that the basic outline of what needs to be done to expel the Pakistani population is herein contained, and that any action taken by any European state to expel any Muslim population will consist of a more or less draconian application of these steps. We have dubbed these steps the Pakis Out! Plan.
The Pakis Out! Plan is not a single, invariant collection of procedures for driving Pakistanis out of a country. It is, rather, an understanding that there exists a plethora of steps that could be taken to this end, that exist along a continuum from the least draconian to the most draconian, and from the least transgressive of extant norms to the most transgressive of extant norms. The implementation of a gradually tightening straitjacket of restrictions, coercion and general unpleasantness, backed up by a willingness to use the violence of the state against concerted opposition, is the Pakis Out! plan. Those readers interested in the only real alternatives are invited to peruse my other essays, ‘Surrender, Genocide… or What?’ and ‘Our Muslim Troubles’ (Part One, Part Two, Part Three, Part Four, Part Five). Anyone who cares to read them will, we hope, agree that Pakis Out! is the best option available to us.
Our consideration of the details of Pakis Out! will be thematic in nature. There will be six themes in total: immigration, law enforcement, citizenship and residency, religious restrictions, the welfare state, and general malicious harassment. Each theme will feature a brief discussion of how the British state could and should tighten the screw on the child-raping Paki horde in order to drive an ever-larger fraction of it out of the country. The individual sections should not be taken as lists of things that must be done, but items on a menu that the British state can progressively select from on the basis of what seems to be working and how much success it seems to be enjoying.
The observant reader will note that we provide very few details as to the exact legislation that would need to be passed to facilitate the program we describe. There are two reasons for this. The first is that we have no legal background, and are not well-equipped to say a great deal on this front at all. The second, and more important reason, is that laws are human constructs and that a British state committed to driving out the Pakistanis will construct whatever laws it needs to bring about that end. The details of how exactly this is to be done are not of any particular interest to us.
Pakistani immigration into the UK would essentially cease, on the basis of an understanding that the holders of Pakistani citizenship would be banned from obtaining British citizenship or residency, banned from obtaining student visas etc., banned from family reunion immigration, banned from obtaining work visas, and so on. Pakis would not be allowed into the UK except under the most restrictive conditions, and then only on a short-term basis.
Those Pakistani citizens already in the UK would be required to leave when their current visas expired, assuming they actually had valid visas, unless there were specific reasons to hunt them down and expel them prior to this happening. Ruthlessly hunting down and expelling illegal Pakistani immigrants would become a priority for border control agencies. Such people would be held in special internment camps if they proved difficult to deport, and the camps would be segregated by sex.
Given that our new immigration controls would consist, essentially, of not allowing Pakistanis into the country at all, there are few additional details we need to add here.
Next, we move onto law enforcement, which interacts with the subsequent category, citizenship and residency, in important ways. In short, the most ruthless and draconian application of the criminal justice system to Pakistanis would: a) create its own incentives for them to leave, and b) provide justification for the alteration of the legal status of Pakistanis in the UK. This pertains to the principle of exclusion, an important concept that we will explain here.
The principle of exclusion is predicated on the notion that Pakistanis who have committed crimes of a certain severity must be prevented from ever being at large again in British society. Non-UK citizen Pakistanis must be deported after serving an appropriate amount of time in jail, and UK-citizen Pakistanis must be stripped of their citizenship and permanently interned until such time as they can be deported, after serving an appropriate amount of time in jail.
The principle of exclusion therefore ties together draconian law enforcement, the stripping of UK citizenship as and when necessary, internment, and deportation to rip up and remove the most evil and pestilential elements of the Pakistani population of the UK. As such, it will massively improve the welfare of the British people by radically reducing, over time, the extent to which they can be preyed upon by Pakistani filth. It will re-infuse them with a confidence that they are the masters of their country once again. It will focus, by its nature, overwhelmingly on the male half of the Pakistani diaspora in the UK. Nonetheless, by destroying families through excluding and eventually deporting the menfolk, it will create huge pressure on the Pakistani population as a whole.
Given that the principle of exclusion grows out of law enforcement efforts of one sort or another, its application will provide yet more fodder for its own growth. The draconian law enforcement it relies upon will create opposition in the form of civil disorder, rioting and the like, which will allow the system to sweep up yet more criminal Pakistanis and put them into the exclusion system.
Firstly, large numbers of Pakistanis, overwhelmingly men, could be hoovered up in sweeps aimed at addressing the most egregious and damaging aspects of their criminality, which include: the mass, systematic rape, torture and enslavement of white British girls; terrorism-related offences; and subversion-related offences. Being convicted of an offence would provide grounds for prison time and subsequent deportation in the case of non-British citizens, or, in the case of UK citizens of Pakistan origin, the removal of citizenship, prison time, and their internment until such time as they could be removed. Investigations into historic cases of sexual abuse alone could roll up untold thousands, if not tens of thousands, of Pakistani men if the courts lowered the bar in terms of the degree of evidence needed to convict.
Secondly, less Pakistani-specific crimes, such as various manifestations of organized crime, domestic violence, and fraud, should be assiduously pursued through the courts. The principle of exclusion should apply to all Pakistanis who are non-British citizens, and to all those Pakistanis who have committed crimes of at least a certain severity. The proceeds of organized crime should be pursued by the relevant authorities to allow the maximum level of repossession of said proceeds, and a maximum of damage inflicted on the ability of Pakistani families to function in the UK.
To sum up, the police and criminal justice system should be used in pursuit of two objectives: a) to sweep ever larger numbers of Pakistanis (overwhelmingly men) into the exclusion zone, and b) to inflict, to the greatest extent possible justifiable in terms of the law, damage on Pakistani family life, Pakistani social life, and any general sense Pakistanis may have that they can be secure and prosperous in the UK.
We will mention in closing that the responsiveness of the criminal justice system to crimes committed against Pakistanis would have to be expected to gradually fade away as part of the widespread general antipathy towards them in the hypothetical Britain we are discussing. This would probably constitute an additional push factor that elements criminally hostile to Pakistanis would take advantage of. It is not, however, something that we explicitly advocate as part of Pakis Out!
We have already touched on what should happen to that part of the Pakistani population of the UK who are not British citizens. Now we explore what would have to be done to start hacking through the undergrowth of those Pakistanis in the UK who do have UK citizenship.
We have already explained the principle of exclusion, and how it will allow substantial numbers of Pakistanis to be swept up and removed from the UK. It is worth pointing out that the overwhelming majority of Pakistanis being swept into the exclusion zone will be men.
However, it must be expected that substantial numbers of Pakistanis will continue to hold UK citizenship even after the authorities have made substantial progress in sweeping the more obviously criminal elements into the exclusion zone and, eventually, out of the country.
As such, the relevant authorities will need to start examining the asylum applications of those Pakistanis who have obtained asylum in the UK over the years, and see if they can turn up any irregularities in said applications. Should such irregularities be found, they would of course have to result in the revocation of legal status in the UK for relevant Pakistanis, and for any family members who had obtained legal status through them.
The same would apply to immigration/residency/citizenship applications more generally, especially those that were successful relatively recently. Any false claims made in pursuit of the right to stay in the UK would result in the removal of this status and all relevant parties’ being swept into the exclusion zone. People who obtained leave to remain after having spent time in the country illegally would have it revoked and would be removed.
Predicting exactly how many Pakistanis could be removed from the country in this fashion is not at all straightforward. It is worth pointing out that additional punitive measures, such as the aggressive confiscation of property from guilty parties to cover the costs the state would incur through their removal, would create an additional push factor.
We stress again that this document deals with the Pakistani population of the UK, and not with the Muslim population more generally. As such, general legal restrictions on Islam per se cannot be considered here, as they would automatically widen the scope of the document and transform it into something quite different. At least for the duration of this document, therefore, we must remain stubbornly agnostic on the subject of whether or not anything should be done about Islam itself.
Nonetheless, it is not difficult to devise ways of attacking the Pakistani population at the religious level. Let us give a single example here.
Our understanding is that most mosques in the UK are relatively ethnically segregated, and one must of course expect mosques in those areas where nearly all Muslims are Pakistanis to be overwhelmingly Pakistani in their congregations. It would not be difficult to single out these mosques for special attention.
The intelligence services could investigate Pakistani-dominated mosques, their imams, and their services. Any evidence of subversive or terrorism-related behaviour would be taken as a reason to shut the mosque down. Resultant riots and civil disorder would deliver large numbers of angry Pakistani males up to be removed from the UK via the principle of exclusion laid out earlier. Health and safety, planning permission, noise concerns; any and all of these could be taken as reasons to shut Pakistani mosques down. Sharia courts could be attacked in similar fashion.
The Pakistanis should be squeezed through a gradual reduction of their ability to enjoy access to the British welfare state. Clearly, revising the guidelines underpinning the welfare state in all its various manifestations to allow it to discriminate, implicitly if not explicitly, on the basis of whether or not people are Pakistanis, will require a certain amount of sophistic wizardry from the mandarins at the Home Office. Not being inducted into their ways, I will not speculate here as to how exactly they should go about doing this, other than in suggesting that largesse distributed by the welfare state to Pakistanis should be radically reduced. Criteria should be contrived whereby benefits can be slashed in such a manner as to target Pakistanis. Suggestions include English-language abilities, willingness of the women to look for work, willingness of the parents to go along with certain aspects of the educational system.
There also exists, of course, the phenomenon of selective enforcement or non-enforcement of extant laws and regulations. Given the overwhelmingly corrupt and venal nature of Pakistani society itself, it would strain credulity to suggest that the child-raping Pakistani horde in the UK itself was not also up to its eyeballs in benefit fraud of various sorts. The vigorous investigation of fraud, along with consequent prosecutions, convictions, and exclusion, could be very effective. It would also allow the state to take a step forward with regards to the gradual impoverishment of the Pakistani community, which would constitute yet another push factor.
General Malicious Harassment
General malicious harassment is a catch-all category that would include all those alternative ways of making life hard for the Pakistanis that are not easily described by the other categories here, and that would not be responses to gross criminality on their part. They consist of measures that are not Pakistani-specific.
Most obviously, general malicious harassment consists of ways of destroying the ability of the Pakistanis to make a living in the UK. The concept of health and safety, much-reviled by many, will display its true worth, as surprise inspections at restaurants and takeaways turn up an alarming number of hygiene violations. Needless to say, such violations will necessitate immediate closures of the establishments in question.
The preponderance of Pakistanis in taxi firms across the country, a position they appear to have leveraged well in their sallies of rape and destruction against the young, white, female population, will also suffer. We all understand how important vehicle maintenance is, and what complex devices modern automobiles are. It would strain credulity to suggest that surprise inspections of the vehicles used by Pakistani taxi firms and taxi drivers would not be able to turn up an abundance of technical and maintenance problems. These problems, as and when discovered, would of course require the vehicles to be taken off the road. In extreme cases, they could require the revocation of the operating licences of the firms in question, in the interests of public safety. Prosecutions might well follow, and the system of exclusion will await particularly egregious offenders.
We have already discussed the explicitly religious factors that could be utilized to help drive the Pakistanis out of the UK. General malicious harassment will also be able to nibble away at the edges of the religious side of things, though on ostensibly non-religious grounds.
It will not have escaped the attention of those who follow such things that mosques and prayer centres tend to end up being rather a nuisance for people who live in proximity to them. The call to prayer, huge numbers of cars parked willy-nilly; what a surprise that having large numbers of Muslims congregate in your area should turn out to be so aggravating. Justice will call for the draconian application of parking regulations, accompanied by substantial amounts of clamping, towing, ticketing and the like. Noise regulations will also have to be strictly enforced, with mosques that make too much noise being shut down.
The taking over of local government by central government in heavily Pakistani-infested areas should continue apace. Events in Rotherham subsequent to the full exposure of the mass, systematic, rape, enslavement and torture of British children at the hands of the child-raping Pakistani horde, when the local council was basically taken over by the central government, should be taken as a model for destroying Pakistani influence on local government.
There is one last topic to which we must turn our attention in this section. I have already stated that I am not merely engaged in speculative thinking in this document, but that I am explicitly advocating what I discuss in this section unless I say otherwise. Reader, now I say otherwise.
We have assumed in this document that any British government trying to drive out the Pakistani population of the UK will do so in a manner that allows it to defend its own behaviour in the forum of international opinion. It is for this reason that we have not discussed, for example, the possibility of carpet-bombing Pakistani-dominated areas of Birmingham. However, there is an additional option that will be available to a Pakistani-expelling British government that rests uneasily somewhere in the No Man’s Land between those measures that would be defensible at the next G7 meeting and those that would not. In the interests of completeness, we need to examine it briefly here.
Put succinctly, it may well occur to our future British government that the direct application of violence, up to and including the lethal, to certain parts of the Pakistani population would usefully accelerate the process of driving them out. If it does, the government will certainly try and perpetrate this violence with a maximum of plausible deniability for reasons we have already explained. What this means in practice is that there will be a high probability of government collusion with paramilitaries.
Let us explain what this means. In all Western countries which have been stupid enough to allow the creation of large Muslim communities, there already exists a substantial reservoir of hatred towards these Muslims on the part of a significant fraction of the native population. As we have already noted, substantial civil disorder must be expected to result from attempts to drive out the Pakistani population. This would result in a further worsening of relations between the British and their Pakistani fifth column and, almost certainly, in the formation of British paramilitary organizations.
This is fairly obvious. What is not so obvious, perhaps, is that this will provide an avenue for British governments to aid and abet these paramilitaries in certain ways that offer plausible deniability. Given that this section of the document concerns itself with what government will be able to do to drive the Pakistanis out, it would be remiss of us not to discuss the possibility here. We would point out that there exist strong and obvious precedents for this sort of behaviour on the part of the apparatus of state. During the Troubles in Northern Ireland, there were various episodes of collusion between Crown forces and Loyalist paramilitaries in the province.
In which ways, precisely, would this hypothetical British government seek to facilitate the behaviour of such organizations? Looking to the Troubles in Northern Ireland for clues, we can easily imagine scenarios in which such paramilitaries were provided with training, intelligence, funding, and even certain types of materiel, all of which would be strictly deniable, or as deniable as humanly possible.
Another possibility is that the British government might infiltrate and subvert these organizations to undermine them or, at the very least, moderate their behaviour. Accordingly, we cannot simply assume that the violence they engage in will be made more severe or more lethal through behind-the-scenes government interventions. Nonetheless, depending on the way the situation unfolds, it is entirely possible that the behaviour of such paramilitaries could become another arrow in the quiver of a government looking to drive the Pakistanis out of the UK.
Objections and Responses
Isn’t this ethnic cleansing?
Perhaps. But if it is, it is the ethnic cleansing of a Pakistani fifth column that, invited into the beautiful, wealthy, peaceful house of Britain, defecated on the carpet and then trod it in. Away with them, before they turn their attention to the sofa.
And once you’ve got rid of the Pakistanis, who will you start on next?
The Somalis. They don’t even make curry.
My friend is a Pakistani and a doctor. What about them?
We are sublimely uninterested in the welfare of your Pakistani friends, and will go so far as to suggest that they could easily be replaced. Be of good cheer; the country will survive without them.
You will inflict huge suffering on people who do not deserve it.
There will, of course, be individual Pakistanis who are driven out of the country despite the fact that they had not, personally, contributed to the pestilence that the Pakistanis were. As already made clear, our personal empathy for Pakistanis is nil, so we feel no qualms over the possibility.
Let us engage with the point though, which is a serious one. The presence in the UK of an ever-larger, and ever-more despicable and dangerous Pakistani diaspora inflicts horrible damage on the British people, damage not limited to that outlined thus far in this essay. Those who approve, nonetheless, of the presence of this diaspora, are effectively accepting that, year in, year out, the British people must suffer horrific collateral damage in their own country due to the aims of the multicultural ideology.
Very well. We have our own ideology, which insists that the Pakistani diaspora be driven out, and are honest enough to accept that this will result in at least some collateral damage being inflicted on the few decent Pakistanis in the UK.
Any member of the Pakistani diaspora in the UK has, by definition, been able to enjoy at least some period of having lived in a country infinitely superior to their own. This is a service already rendered to them by us. They are in our debt; we are not in theirs. Now it is time for them to leave. This is a simple point.
The Pakistanis are human beings too, you know.
Very true; but I confess to feeling a greater affection for trilobites.
This will all contravene international law in various ways.
International law was developed amongst European powers as a mechanism for attempting to amicably resolve the many disputes, of many sorts, that existed amongst those powers. If international law has metastasized, like a crocodile flushed down the lavatory, into such a beast that it can insist that European nations be swallowed up and destroyed by degenerate peoples such as the Pakistanis, then we must ignore it to survive.
This is evil.
Humbug. It is probably reasonable to say that there is some evil in what we suggest, simply in that we will have to act ruthlessly and cause suffering. But this is something that is true of human conflict in general, not a characteristic of the developing conflict between us and our Pakistani fifth column per se.
The time is rapidly approaching when we will all have to choose our evil, like it or not. What is happening to those parts of Britain most obviously overwhelmed by Pakistani immigration is also evil, an evil so great that the mind recoils at it: the mass, systematic, rape and torture of British girls at the hands of gigantic numbers of swarming Pakistani jabberwocks; the recreation in microcosm of South Asian Muslim madness throughout vast swathes of the urban UK — this too is evil, evil on a larger scale every day.
We have chosen our evil, as did our ancestors when they chose to fight in all the conflicts this country has ever fought in. The RAF firebombed German cities, killing tens of thousands of civilians, during the quintessential good war. We advocate only the tiniest fraction of this violence, against an enemy that plots against us, works against us, and devours our children on a daily basis. Reader, believe us when we say that we are comfortable with what we have chosen.
Many, perhaps most, of these people are British.
They are not British. They are the Pakistani diaspora of the UK, and they must leave.
This will destroy Britain.
Driving viciously hostile, destructive Pakistanis out of Britain will destroy it, but allowing it to be swamped by them will not? This is only true for those who insist on seeing the UK as deriving its essential nature from its willingness to act as a dumping ground for all the hopeless, barbaric Muslim peoples of all the world. For those not afflicted by this particular madness, Britain derives its essential nature from Pakistanis the way China derives its essential nature from Nigerians.
The Pakistani government will not go along with it.
The Pakistani government does not have to go along with it. The point is that the Pakistanis leave Britain, not that they necessarily go back to Pakistan. Where precisely they end up is none of our concern. Apply increasingly draconian and brutal pressure to them, and they will start to leave one way or another. Eventually, many will make their way back to Pakistan. Others may end up on a Pacific atoll, or the surface of the moon. Once they have left Britain, they are no concern of us.
Even so, we need good relations with the Pakistani government for counterterrorism reasons.
We do not need good relations with the gigantic latrine that is Pakistan, and we do not need its cooperation with respect to counterterrorism. We need to expel that part of the Pakistani population of the UK which is dangerous and contaminating, which is to say, nearly all of it, and to use immediate, extreme, and surgical violence and coercion against that part of it which is actively pestilential (e.g. terrorists, child rapists). Accepting the presence of an ever-larger, ever-more threatening Pakistani diaspora simply because we do not wish to upset the Pakistani government as it tries to feed us intelligence on the pestilential behaviour of the Pakistani diaspora that we allow to thrive because we want intelligence on the ever-larger Pakistani diaspora that rapes our children is —
But no! Reader, we have confused even ourselves. This is obvious madness. Pakis Out! Short, punchy, to the point, only two words and a mere three syllables — which part of this is so hard to understand? Pakistan has stabbed us in the guts by implanting us with its diaspora. Now it offers to pull the knife out just a tad if we will only let it stab us in the head as well? Upon reflection, it can be seen that Pakis Out! is the superior option.
You are advocating hatred of the Pakistanis.
We advocate two things: understanding, and action. We must understand the problem the Pakistanis are, and we must act to drive them out. As long as the British people understand what they must and act as they must, the exact emotional basis of their understanding and actions are not our concern one way or the other. Hate them or not, as you please. Just understand that they must go.
The measures that we advocate in this document would clearly result in a substantial amount of political turmoil in the UK; it would be disingenuous to pretend otherwise. However, despite the hardships that may lie ahead for those British patriots who oppose the colonization of their towns and cities by the Pakistani horde, we insist that the steps we outline in this document are the only way to avoid a much worse conflict further in the future, whose outcome would be even more destructive.
Patriots of Britain, unite! You have nothing to lose but your Pakis!
For previous posts by El Inglés, see the El Inglés Archives.