The piece below is the second part of the latest in an occasional series of essays by our expatriate English correspondent Peter on the history of the Socialist Left in Britain.
The Red Evolution IV: The Subversive Left, the Destabilising Left, the Antecedents of Generation Snowflake and the Ultimate Surrender of Rationality
by Peter
TWO
In the mid-1960s many of us stopped reading the mainstream press, preferring the more radical International Times, Oz and the UK version of Rolling Stone, which wasn’t a patch on its American original and was why founder, Jann Wenner, closed it down. There were many, many others, too, most of which were of questionable value. I continued to take the Times and the Sunday Times as in those days, their government and law reporting were second to none and I had been encouraged to read both by my college lecturers, during my part-time study at Southampton College of Technology funded by my employers.
While the political pages of the mainstream media featured our own grey and boring governmental figures like Harold Wilson, the alcoholically challenged George Brown, and the pudgy-faced Edward Heath, the alternative press concentrated on more interesting people such as Regis DeBray, Rudi Dutschke, Daniel Cohn-Bendit and Tariq Ali. There were others, too, such as Marcuse, Adorno and Erich Fromm, but in spite of that, most of the so-called underground publications were largely incoherent. Their contributors appeared to have partaken liberally of those substances they were campaigning to legalise, but if anything, that tended to enhance their appeal to a youthful readership which, having rejected the mainstream, were rapaciously seeking out something in which they could believe. For many, that already existed.
In my late teens, I became aware of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), better known by one of their much-used slogans — “Ban the Bomb.” As far as I could see, they consisted of a large number of student types and other sartorially inelegant individuals who would assemble en masse in various public places, make speeches, march, wave banners and shout anti-American slogans. The movement started in 1957 when Kingsley Martin, then the editor of the New Statesman, chaired a small meeting at a flat in Central London to discuss the widespread fear of nuclear conflict and its potential consequences. On 17 February 1958, the Campaign was launched formally at a public meeting in Central Hall, Westminster attended by 5000 of the great, the good and the Left, a number of whom, including politician Michael Foot, author J.B. Priestley and journalist James Cameron had already been selected as Executive Committee members. Some commentators cite Islington Labour Party members Pat Arrowsmith and Pat Pottle as founder members, too as well as the philosopher Bertrand Russell.
The declared intention of CND was to persuade the UK government by peaceful means to renounce unilaterally “ the use, production of or dependence upon nuclear weapons by Britain and the bringing about of a general disarmament convention; halting the flight of planes armed with nuclear weapons; ending nuclear testing; not proceeding with missile bases; and not providing nuclear weapons to any other country,” which made a lot of sense, didn’t it? At the height of the cold war, the Soviet Union and the Peoples’ republic of China had nuclear weapons, as did the USA and France. Not to be similarly armed while keeping the same company seemed at the time to be suicidal, but the concept appealed to the leftists and much of the CND membership consisted of Labour Party members and other left-leaning people, although — officially — the Labour Party wanted nothing to do with them. Every Easter, from 1958 onwards, CND members took part in a march between Central London and the Atomic Weapons Research Establishment at Aldermaston, Berkshire, a distance of some 52 miles. This became an annual pilgrimage attracting growing numbers each year.
Many CND supporters in those days were unemployed student types, while those of us who had jobs tended to look down on them, particularly since our taxes paid for their student grants, we were better dressed, had more money and as a result, attracted all the women. Also, as stated earlier, the idea of disarmament in those dangerous times did not seem to be rational. In hindsight, I believe that the reason no nuclear war broke out then was that those nuclear-armed governments put their trust in the theory of MAD (Mutually Assured Destruction) rather than the impassioned pleas of CND.
Prior to the formation of CND, the international peace movement had been dominated by the World Peace Council (WPC), an anti-Western organisation funded by the Soviet Communist Party, so that the WPC and its adherents became identified with communist ideology. This caused difficulties for CND, which, although totally detached from the WPC and from any political party, was accused of being a communist-controlled and -influenced organisation, and a number of its leading members were subject to active surveillance and occasional arrest by the UK counter-intelligence services. Support for CND diminished after the 1963 Test Ban Treaty, and it tended to focus its attention thereafter on the escalating war in Vietnam. CND still exists, though it is often overshadowed by more vocal movements such as the “Stop the War Coalition,” set up by Socialist Workers Party supporters.
1968 was an apocalyptic year as the entire world seemed to explode in protest and insurrection, and the war in Vietnam was by no means the only grievance. Demonstrators occupied college buildings, banks and offices while protesters fought pitched battles on the streets against the forces of law and order, whatever law and order it was they claimed to be upholding. I will only look at what I consider to be the most significant of these — readers may well disagree with my selection, but I am writing an essay, not a book.
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