The article below is a follow-up on the July 2016 story of Adama Traoré, whose death sparked another round of BLM-like protests in France. Once he was conveniently dead, Mr. Traoré became a cause célèbre among French Muslims and their useful idiot allies on the Left.
Contrary to the reigning narrative, however, Adama Traoré was hardly a poor innocent immigrant boy who got done in by the po-po. Quite the opposite: He had a rap sheet a mile long, as did many of his close relatives. Not only that, he had a serious medical condition, and there is no evidence that the gendarmes ever used violence against him.
But that’s not what the mainstream media in France want you to believe.
Many thanks to Ava Lon for translating this article from Valeurs Actuelles:
Exclusive: The other truth about the case of Adam Traoré
by Louis de Raguenel
January 12, 2017
Investigation. Presented as a police botch by the far left, the death of Adama Traoré after his arrest by the gendarmes on July 19, 2016, set fire to Persan and Beaumont-sur-Oise (Val d’Oise) . We conducted a three-week investigation. Our revelations call into question the Traoré family’s version of events.
An inhabitant of Beaumont-sur-Oise who knows the case still cannot believe it. On January 5, while watching the Gros Journal on Canal Plus, presented by Mouloud Achour, the latter went to his city and gave the floor to Assa and Youssouf Traoré, Adama’s sister and brother. The presenter does not hide his bias against the gendarmes: “All our struggles are crystallized in this story and in the battle of Assa Traoré. He concluded the show by offering a gift to the young woman: “I entrust you with a weapon. It’s this camera. I propose that you become an official reporter for the Gros Journal.” The symbol is just as strong as the one offered by Mediapart a few days earlier.
The version of Traoré relayed in all the media
The site run by Edwy Plenel asked Assa Traoré to present his “presidential wishes” to the Internet users of the online newspaper in a video. Referring to his brother, his accusations are grave: “He surrendered his soul on the premises of the gendarmerie of Persan. These gendarmes did not help him to live, but helped him to die.” She continues more seriously, evoking the “physical violence of state” and quotes Sivens or Notre-Dame-des-Landes which “saw the blood of the demonstrators, with flash-bang grenades…” If the young woman expresses her legitimate suffering for her dead little brother, a detail makes you wonder: she takes advantage of every intervention to embark on a much more political speech.
Since the death of Adama Traoré, the version from his family and the association Truth for Adama has been relayed with force in all the media. With a great deal of publicity, organized by their lawyer Me. Yassine Bouzrou, a small innuendo begins to emerge: “Adama has been the victim of police violence.” Some even speak of a “crime”! Noting that the prosecutor — who was transferred during the case — communicated clumsily and insufficiently, “to avoid accusing the gendarmes”, according to a vexed soldier whom we met, Bouzrou snaps and imposes his truth.
“Everyone here is afraid of the Traoré brothers”
The lawyer, who specializes in these sensitive cases, has already defended the case of Abou Bakari Tandia, who died following police custody in 2004. With talent, he organizes a campaign for the good reputation of the Traoré family. It is thanks to him that the Gros Journal is interested in the case, and that Youssouf, Adama’s brother, appears on the program after his release from prison — he was convicted with his brother for violence and outrages against police officers and gendarmes who protected a municipal council in Beaumont-sur-Oise. Youssouf laments:
“I lost my job […] All my projects went up in smoke. I went to jail for no reason […] I have never dealt with the justice system before. I am a good person […]”
When investigating, one element is surprising: whenever questions are asked about the Traoré family, the inhabitants of Beaumont refuse to express themselves. “The truth is that everyone here is afraid of the Traoré brothers,” one of them said. “They are bosses, a clan, it’s Bagui — the head of the network,” confided another one, who makes us swear not to repeat his name.
When we dig deeper, we learn that Bagui Traoré — currently in prison — who, according to our information, did not hesitate to give three different identities to the investigators and calls himself Gibs Traoré on Facebook, has been the subject of several legal proceedings for “extortion (in 2003 and 2005), unauthorized possession of narcotics in 2013 […], theft by burglary, carrying of a prohibited 6th category weapon…” Not really a softie.
As for Youssouf, who underscores his probity on Canal Plus, he was still to be known for “violence against a person holding public authority, voluntary violence, rebellion, death threats”. For his part, Adama had been known since 2007 through seventeen court proceedings!
Not quite the profile of the poor thing described in the media. On the day of his death, it had only been a month since Adama was released from prison, where he had even been accused of rape by a fellow prisoner! Together, Bagui and Adama were involved in the stolen goods business in 2010. Traoré siblings are known to be close to SOS Racisme [similar to BLM], CRAN [Representative Council of Black Associations] or the “Emergency our Police are Assassinating”, very influential in these districts.
[Poster: Gendarmes and police officers: violent and unpunished.
How to stop them? How to defend yourselves?
Attention: those individuals are dangerous. Discussions, testimonies, suggestions.
Caption from authors of this article: A call to rally against the “dangerous” individuals. It’s law enforcement that is being targeted.]
It is not Adama, but Bagui who is targeted by the law enforcement
On July 19, 2016, it was precisely because Bagui was liable to be involved in a case of “extortion of funds to the prejudice of a person placed under a reinforced curatorship” that the prosecutor ordered, under judicial order, a police watch.
For the operation, three soldiers of the surveillance and intervention platoon of the gendarmerie, in plainclothes,
carried out identity checks of persons quoted in the order. When they checked Bagui, whom they recognized from elements of his description — a birthmark on the left cheekbone, a scar on the right forearm, a scar on the left pinky and left wrist — a person who was with him, and whom they didn’t identify, left his bike and ran. Surprised, two gendarmes pursued him while the third remained with Bagui, who didn’t resist. When they caught up with him, the man pushed a gendarme before being handcuffed to an arm. As he didn’t have any identity document; he declared his name to be Adama Traoré. The gendarmes didn’t know him. Contrary to what was said later, it was not he, but Bagui, who was targeted by law enforcement. Adama asked for a pause to catch his breath.
€1,300 in cash
His request was granted. Suddenly, one of his friends recognized him and helped him to escape again, jostling the gendarme. He was caught some tens of meters away by another crew of three soldiers in uniform, while he hid, wrapped in a sheet, next to a sofa in an apartment. The gendarmes divided the roles: the first immobilized his legs and the other two took care of each arm. During the interrogation, which lasted between thirty seconds and one minute, they realized that the man already had a handcuff attached to his arm — the one attached by the first crew of gendarmes. Handcuffed and breathless, Adama came out of the apartment, escorted by the gendarmes.
The drive to the gendarmerie of Persan was very short: one kilometer. Arriving at the brigade, a gendarme was surprised to see Adama sleeping, and discovered a spot of urine on the seat. In reality, Adama lost consciousness. Immediately, the firemen and the SAMU [emergency medical services] were called and Adama is placed in the shade in a lateral safety position, handcuffed — due to the two previous attempts to escape — in the yard. This is what two firefighters were to notice at their arrival. Despite attempts to revive him, it is too late. Adama Traoré is dead. The investigators would then discover the beginnings of possible explanation of Adama’s desire to escape the gendarmes: he carried €1,300 in cash and a bag with a small amount of cannabis.
Fifteen death threats against gendarmes and their children
According to our information, an autopsy report even revealed that Adama was under the influence of cannabis when he died. Contrary to allegations, the report attested: Adama shows no trace of violence and the gendarmes did not sit on him, which could have caused asphyxia, the thesis propagated by his supporters. In total, Adama spent only ten minutes in the hands of the gendarmes. All the witnesses that were heard were unanimous: there was no violence against him, and Adama had difficulty breathing; he could hardly speak. That did not prevent him from trying to escape.
A few minutes later, Bagui arrived at the brigade escorted by the gendarmes after a search at his home and saw Adama lying on the floor. He shouted: “Watch out for my brother, watch out for my brother, he’s sick!” It will indeed be demonstrated later that Adama — described as in good health by his family — was in reality suffering from a respiratory deficiency and cardiac problems, which some knew about. Hence his shortness of breath.
“The gendarmes killed my brother!”
Bagui was then informed of the death of his half-brother. He yelled: “The gendarmes killed my brother!” In a move to appease, the prosecutor then decides to revoke his custody. Persuaded that his brother was really killed by the gendarmes, Bagui then mobilized the neighborhood. There ensued five nights of ultra-violent riots, where the gendarmes were attacked without respite. A bus served as a ram on the first evening, to try to break the grid of the gendarmerie. This incident, during which some gendarmes felt abandoned, would result in “about twenty requests for transfer,” recalls Me. Bosselut, a lawyer for the military. The gendarmes and their children were to receive fifteen death threats. Exceptional: the Directorate General of the National Gendarmerie accepted all requests for transfer.
For the far left, who dreamed of exploiting it like a new Malik Oussekine case (the name of the student who died on 6 December 1986, after a police intervention during a student rally) the tension must be maintained. There are regular rallies against “police violence” and “for Adama”, with supporters such as JoeyStarr, Omar Sy, Nekfeu, Youssoupha, and Black M. More than ever the government continues to closely monitor Adama Traoré’s relatives. The biggest fear: that the case will destabilize a presidential campaign that is more unpredictable than ever.