The following essay about the current dénouement of German multicultural madness was published earlier this month at
Michael Mannheimer’s website. Many thanks to JLH for the translation:
Finis Germaniae: The End of Germany
by Max Erdinger
September 11, 2015
As Giovanni Trapattoni might have said, Germany is finished. In England, Germany is apparently thought to have flipped out, to be a hippie nation, where wishing and wanting are everything and reality is just an annoying detail. Hungarians, Slovaks, Russians and Czechs have their doubts about the mental condition of the Germans.
Quite right. An interview the chancellor gave in Switzerland confirms that. Angela Merkel does not consider fear to be a good adviser. The German, she says, will best confront the fear of the Islamization of Germany by diligently going to church and declaring his faith in Christianity. As if that would prevent a Muslim from doing anything.
In the Bundestag, Katrin Göring-Eckardt chatters happily about the fact that already 30% of all children in Germany have an immigration background, and that is “without even counting the Ossis.” The notorious Oppermann and his colleague, Gabriel, of the SPD are going on about the half million mostly Islamic new citizens the country can absorb annually. Heiko Maas, also SPD, calls for the censoring of undesirable “asylum criticism” in the social networks, as though one of those who has protested against the invasion of Europe by young, vigorous men unaccompanied by women or children or old people — preferably from the Balkans — had spoken out against the right of asylum.
Whether we want to keep or discard the right of asylum no longer plays a role. Anyone who does not see every refugee as a potential asylum seeker is part of the rightist pack. Who may be one of the rightist pack and who may be an upstanding citizen — that is decided by the wackos in politics and their media lackeys. The parties have claimed the state itself as their booty, as noted two decades ago by the legal expert Hans Herbert von Arnim. The Germans are not bothered by that today.
The federal press conference no longer even resembles satirical performance so much as a seminar in situation comedy and grotesque embarrassments of all kinds. The only consolation, at least for the totally hardened, is that the madness of the federal press conference is at least optically very appealing because of the Palestinian Sawsan Chebli, a spokeswoman for the foreign office. But, despite the presence of a Sawsan Chebli, any sexual desire evaporates for the more sensitive viewer, when faced with the assembled “Heap of Fools.” Considering the demographic crisis for the Germans, this is, so to speak, the finishing touch. The whole of Germany is an isolated madhouse, spied on and told on by its big ally, which — in comparison to the refugee invasion — seems like the snows of yesteryear. The NSA has lost its place in the hit parade of headlines. Recent, more recent, most recent — nothing is as old as yesterday’s newspaper.
Germans work for the state. In the year 2015, taxpayer memorial day — that is, the day after which the German taxpayer begins to make money for himself — was postponed until July. In plain language, that means he delivers more than 50% of his income to the state. The state’s total income for 2015 will be in the area of €650 billion. The German bears it without grumbling.
And because he does, there is a further demand from the ranks of those he chooses to consider his representatives for newer tax hikes to support the invasion. The German is being plastered over with ever newer regulations, bans, performance conditions and laws. He puts up with the raising of fines for offenses against nonsense of all sorts with a stoic phlegm and, in moments of alleged clarity, discovers that, in consideration of the existing bans, something is unjustifiably not yet forbidden — and promptly demands another ban. For the sake of equality of all things are forbidden before the Lord.
Largely without complaint, the German accepts his political sex-change by way of gender mainstreaming. And even though this totalitarian re-education program is driven yearly by €1.3 billion of their own money, most Germans have no idea what gender mainstreaming is.
The sovereign citizen — which is what he should be — has made the sovereign decision to continue to be what he has been since time out of mind: an obedient subject. As such, he accepts the fact that his infrastructure is disintegrating, even though he is delivering record sums to the state. But he has an opinion about everything, especially when it has to do with a universally accepted — ergo allowable — opinion. Otherwise, it’s: Anything goes, just don’t get caught — and — Don’t approach your ruler, unless you have been summoned.
In his book, “The German Sickness,” Johannes Willms, former cultural correspondent of the Süddeutsche Zeitung in Paris, conducted an investigation into the roots of the mentality of the German people.
He considers essential the time between the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 and the founding of the German empire under Bismarck in 1870-71 — i.e., the time of origin of the poet and thinker and the expansion of spiritual internality to the general psychological condition. For many generations, Germans were subject to a feeling of powerlessness, facing the many and varied authorities in power in the many small states — and internationally, the great powers France and Great Britain. Thus, perforce, the withdrawal into private felicity.
This attitude was cultivated. The “behind the times” nation was almost necessarily revanchist. In the First World War it went belly up, so the withdrawal into the unpolitical and the private was exemplified in the sentimental “down-home” films of the Fifties, and the concentration on the increase of personal affluence during the years of the Economic Miracle approached a basic attitude, the origin of which lay 300 years in the past.
So that was more or less the mindset which the very political ‘68ers came across, which enabled them to drive their agenda without encountering noteworthy resistance, The German was not particularly interested in the opinions and plans of these “weirdos.” He just didn’t take them seriously.
And that is proving to be fatal today. Dutschke spoke of a “revolutionary revolution” — of a plan for social transformation which had hitherto not been foreseen, because of the length of time of the upcoming transformation. Dutschke estimated not less than thirty years, that is, a full generation. At the time, Günter Gaus interviewed him for hours. If any appreciable number of the apolitical bourgeoisie had taken an interest at that time, general alarms would have sounded. There was no alarm.
Anyone nowadays who focuses on the publications of the Frankfurt School at that time — Horkheimer, Habermas, Marcuse — instantly recognizes our present in them. And recognizes where the reality has diverged from the original plan — and furthermore, why it had to diverge. Compare the call in the social networks by Heiko Maas, SPD, Minister for Justice, for the censorship of “asylum-critical statements” to Marcuse’s call for “repressive tolerance.”
All of the symptoms shown by the German people, described at the outset, are attributable to the circumstance that an inherently unpolitical people has been taken hostage by a very political minority, which is now dictating the totality of its thinking. In his own apolitical complacency, the German absorbs this thinking uncritically, and explains it laconically as the spirit of the times, as progress, as the course of events that cannot be resisted, or — to lend the whole thing an aura of a reasoned, individual opinion — should not be resisted.
In a political sense, Germans are actually non compos mentis — not to make use of the term “insane.” Without even noticing it, they have allowed themselves to be transformed — by a very goal-oriented minority, working toward the goal of the New Human — into an illusion of the new democracy. As Franz Josef Strauss aptly remarked in the election campaign of 1980, concepts were being filled up with different content and then — not without some success — used as ammunition against the existing order. Strauss warned at the time that the battle over language was an essential one for spiritual self-assertion. We can see today how right he was.
The German language has been reshaped and regulated bit by bit in such a way that it is now more difficult to use it for independent thinking than ever before. Discrimination, that is, differentiation, has in common understanding come to be the same as disparagement. Chauvinism,which is actually nothing other than the conviction of belonging to a group that is superior in some respect, has in common understanding come to be a general thought crime, since — according to the accepted doctrine of equality — there can be no superior groups, even if they exist to the tenth power.
The National Socialist became the Right — and so, in speech and thought, as evil incarnate — became the extreme opposite of the consequently “good” Left. That is why Leftists always talk about Nazis and never about National Socialists. On this field, the Socialist disappears in the National Socialist. Absolutes such as justice and freedom are relativized and divided into social justice, sexual justice, racial justice, etc., etc. — or pluralized. But “freedoms” have nothing to do with freedom, because they are permissions, and because permissions presume someone who has the power to grant them. Whoever accepts freedoms as existing consequently accepts a ruler.
Democracy itself was linguistically discarded, by speaking of democratic-more democratic-most democratic, as if “democratic” had gradations. There are hundreds of examples, as Manfred Kleine-Hartlage impressively demonstrates in his splendid book “The Language of the BRD.”
The German — thus intellectually amputated — is simply no longer able to defend himself. Not intellectually — he does not have the concepts. Not morally — he does not have the morality. Not militarily — he does not have the army. That is the condition of the Germans and their land. This completely whacked-out folk can be seen at present in train stations, with stuffed animals, signs with hearts painted on them and, balloons, welcoming those who will handle the last act of this drama. They no longer know what they are doing. They are, in the truest sense of the words, no longer of this world.
|1.||Legendary soccer player and coach.|
|2.||Once again, the incredible, elitist arrogance of the politically corrected, multi-cultured “West” of Germany versus its poor relations in the East is on display — this time revealing the attitude that the Ossis are not really native Germans.|
|3.||A withdrawal from an impossible situation exemplified during the Nazi era in some German writers who remained behind, instead of fleeing from a developing Nazi regime, and were castigated by Thomas Mann. Called “inner emigration” by Frank Thiess, who countered that some of those who remained behind to live with the situation showed more, rather than less, courage.|
|4.||“Red Rudi” Dutschke, Marxist sociologist and activist, spokesman for the West German and West Berlin student movements of the 1960s, assassinated in Berlin 1979 at age 39.|